By Jacob A. Belzen, Leslie J. Francis, Ralph W. Hood
The Archive for the Psychology of Religion/Archiv f?r Religionspsychologie is the oldest medium within the psychology of faith. it's the legitimate organ of the Internationale Gesellschaft f?r Religionspsychologie (International organization for the Psychology of faith [IAPR]) based in 1914. Following a reorganization of the IAPR in 2001, the Archiv is now released as a world, peer-reviewed journal.The present editorship is shared via Jacob A. Belzen, Leslie J. Francis and Ralph W. Hood, Jr. The Archive for the Psychology of Religion/Archiv f?r Religionspsychologie is open to all medical methodologies, quantitative and qualitative in addition to to validated and cutting edge conceptual and theoretical views within the psychology of faith.
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The Archive for the Psychology of Religion/Archiv f? r Religionspsychologie is the oldest medium within the psychology of faith. it's the authentic organ of the Internationale Gesellschaft f? r Religionspsychologie (International organization for the Psychology of faith [IAPR]) based in 1914. Following a reorganization of the IAPR in 2001, the Archiv is now released as a world, peer-reviewed magazine.
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Additional info for Archive for the Psychology of Religion - Archiv für Religionspsychologie (English - German Edition)
However, situations abound in which brains misinterpret inanimate objects as animate. “All humans and many animals display animism: mechanics see tools as rebellious, runners see distant ﬁre hydrants as dogs, horses see blowing papers as threats, and cats see ﬂuttering leaves as prey” (Guthrie, 1993, p. 6). Chimpanzees have been observed engaging in angry threat displays in response to the onset of heavy rains, sudden strong winds, waterfalls, and rapid streams. However, they do not respond in this way to other forms of movement; for example, they do not seem to “interpret” a falling leaf or branch as if it were alive.
Animism—in the sense of belief in spirit beings—has long been regarded by anthropologists as characteristic of some of the earliest or most “primitive” forms of religious belief. Guthrie (1993) suggests an animistic bias is essentially built into our perceptual system. When confronted with ambiguous stimuli, it is generally safer to assume a higher level of complexity than a lower one. A hiker in the woods doesn’t have time to ponder whether the object just ahead is a bear or a boulder, or whether the object at his feet is a poisonous snake or a harmless stick.
Frankly, I ﬁnd it diﬃcult to imagine how religious belief or experience could be considered an economical, eﬃcient solution to any particular adaptive problem. Moreover, adaptive functions attributed to religion often could be easily solved by much simpler mechanisms or designs. For example, if “feeling better” were universally adaptive, natural selection could simply have fashioned humans to feel better all the time. We know that it has managed to fashion a much more complex set of emotions that cause us to feel better and worse at diﬀerent times; it would require only a very simple change in design to turn on the feel-good button perpetually.
Archive for the Psychology of Religion - Archiv für Religionspsychologie (English - German Edition) by Jacob A. Belzen, Leslie J. Francis, Ralph W. Hood