By Peter N. Miller
This booklet discusses the situation of the early glossy kingdom in eighteenth-century Britain and units it in its ecu context. the yankee Revolution and the simultaneous call for for wider spiritual toleration at domestic challenged the rules of sovereignty and legal responsibility that underpinned arguments concerning the personality of the kingdom. At stake used to be a primary problem to the way politics was once defined. The american citizens and their British supporters argued that people, through balloting and pondering freely, should ascertain the "common good." those influential principles proceed to resonate this day within the rules of "one guy, one vote" and "freedom of thought."
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Additional resources for Defining the Common Good: Empire, Religion and Philosophy in Eighteenth-Century Britain (Ideas in Context)
Marchamont Nedham emphasized that the Duke of Rohan's famous dictum that 'Les Princes commandent aux peuples, et l'interet commande aux princes' was a warning to the private interests that were rending the kingdom. It was, he believed, to no one's interest to support Charles, 'the Interest of a Public Enemy, upon supposition of attaining thereby their own and the Public Welfare'. "' 7 8 This notion of a 'public' or community was the starting point for these discussions of appropriate practice. Because of the priority of the community, it was recognized that there was a danger that the very means of preservation could actually destroy the reciprocal relationships that constituted it by setting off one group against others, all in the name of public utility.
In Ciceronian terms, this meant that a policy could not be useful if it were contrary to the divine plan. Conversely, something that served God's purposes was necessarily useful to men. A second reason for interest in this specific debate was that all contemporary European states were struggling with the problems of establishing - or removing - central authority. The rebellion of the constituent parts of what Helmut Koenigsberger has described as 'composite' monarchies devastated Spain and England, but France was also wracked by religious and aristocratic rebellions that had a distinct regional character, Italy remained fragmented and seemingly immune to union, while the idea of the Empire collapsed once and for all in the seventeenth century.
See Ricordi, no. 149, ed. Emilio Pasquini ( M i l a n , 1984, 1st e d n 1975), p . 176. T h i s is, of course, t h e m a i n t h e m e of Geoffrey Parker's The Military Revolution ( C a m b r i d g e , 1988). 3, p . 15, p . 2 1 ; v n . 8 , p . 139. See also Botero's specific suggestions in book v m . 3). 21-2. See Jose Larraz, La epoca del mercantilismo en Castilla 1500-1700 (Madrid, 1963). Pedro Fernandez Navarette, Conservacion de Monarquias ... Discursos politicos (Madrid, 1626), p . 114. See Charles' Declaration of the True Causes which moved His Majestie to Assemble and after Forced him to Dissolve the Two Last Meetings in Parliament, pp.
Defining the Common Good: Empire, Religion and Philosophy in Eighteenth-Century Britain (Ideas in Context) by Peter N. Miller